Black and latino images in workplaces free download

Zero waste family enjoys a minimalist lifestyle. Someone San Diego Should Know. Classical Music. The best side hustles for musicians and music lovers. Burst water main floods freeway, forces closure of I-5 downtown. Latino life. Where will the next pandemic begin? The Amazon rainforest offers troubling clues.

Deforestation is erasing the line between humans and wild animals — and increasing the chances of the next global pandemic. For Chula Vista seniors, information about resources and events is now one call away.

Amid the usual pop star flash, a more inclusive and politically charged Latin Grammys. UFOs, cannon fire and mph winds: Life gets weird atop this California volcano.

Amazon keeps growing in San Diego and Tijuana. The Seattle-based company has been growing its footprint throughout the region. Border Patrol reports unusually large groups of migrants from Brazil, Venezuela. Trucker charged in record-breaking drug seizure at Otay Mesa. Mexican teens vaccinated in San Diego as part of ongoing cross-border program. Border Patrol agent shoots at naked, rock-throwing migrant on Otay Mountain, feds say.

Navy secretary signals some leniency for Marines who miss vaccine deadline. In first, Russian test strikes satellite using Earth-based missile. Hearing for sailor charged in Bonhomme Richard ship fire again delayed.

From the Archives. Local History. From the Archives: Electric trolleys first appeared in San Diego in From the Archives: The Las Americas shopping center opened at the border 20 years ago. From the Archives: San Diego choked by dust clouds 60 years ago.

Senior care providers race to address caregiver shortage. Ask Veronica: Navigating health-care system requires patience and practicality. Drink up! Eat Drink. RoVino The Foodery to donate Thanksgiving meals to local families. Aztecs football: Mountain West championship scenarios. Column: Thomas brothers elevate No.

With fed vaccine mandate on hold, what now? Judge dismisses diversity lawsuit against Qualcomm. Check out these locally made artisanal food items. San Diego stages get festive with Christmas-themed plays and musicals this holiday season.

Local Mayflower descendants mark th anniversary of Thanksgiving. And that's the heritage that has made the fabric of our country so strong. Becerra is the first person in his family to get a four-year college degree, after his parents immigrated from Mexico at a young age. Ultimately, he added, his opportunities have allowed him to help provide opportunities for others.

Puente said she hopes to see it continue, and not "just in Hispanic Heritage Month," which spans Sept. It's important for Latinx and Hispanic individuals "to be a part of this ongoing dialogue. Cardona said during a "GMA3" interview on Sept. While Latinos account for The dropout rate among Latino students, according to a fact sheet from the National Center for Education Statistics, is about 7.

In August, more than , migrants were encountered crossing the southern border , according to DHS data. After reports of U. Biden condemned the agents' actions by saying those who confronted the Haitian migrants aggressively "will pay. There are so many pieces of immigration that need to be unpacked. Late last month, Mayorkas announced the formation of the Law Enforcement Coordination Council, an effort to "institutionalize best practices in law enforcement. Mayorkas intends to chair the LECC, the first department-wide body to serve as a governing organization for agencies including U.

Biden has said on multiple occasions he will be a leader for all Americans, and organizations and his cabinet members have said they'll do what they can to help him keep that promise. I don't care what corner of the country you're from, if you exist in the shadows, we're going to service you. By , this share dropped to only The widening gap can be attributed in part to the foreclosure crisis, which had a devastating effect on communities of color, who were disproportionately targeted for subprime loans.

Indeed, black families lost 48 percent of their wealth during the financial crisis. That is, blacks have encountered mounting systematic obstacles—such as mortgage-market discrimination and labor market segmentation—that increased the wealth gap as they aged and neared retirement. Much of the wealth gap can be traced to blacks having significantly less access to important savings vehicles—such as housing and retirement accounts—than their white counterparts.

Table 4 summarizes the shares of blacks and whites with specific assets such as residential housing and retirement accounts, as well as the median amounts that both groups own in those categories.

In , only 41 percent of blacks owned their homes, compared with The data in Table 4 show similar differences for retirement savings. Only Further, blacks were less likely to obtain other nonretirement financial saving options—such as savings bonds and mutual funds—than was the case for whites. Most blacks and whites had some of these savings, but the median savings of blacks were just Finally, the data show that in , blacks were less than half as likely to own private business interests as whites.

Blacks thus have less access to savings and have built up fewer assets than whites, even when comparing for the same types of assets and regardless of the type of assets.

The gaps in the likelihood of owning specific assets—such as retirement savings, a home, or a business—and in the median values of such assets are large. That is, the black-white wealth gap is in part a pervasive difference in asset ownership. On the other side of the ledger, debt tends to be more detrimental to blacks than for whites, largely because the types of debt they owe—such as car or student loans—are more costly.

Despite blacks being slightly less likely to owe money than whites; only slightly more than three-quarters of blacks owed any debt, compared with 85 percent of whites. The total amount of debt that African Americans owed in was approximately one-third that of what whites owed.

Relative to their incomes, blacks generally had debt payments that were almost as costly as those for whites— More costly debt—such as car loans, student loans, and credit card debt—is the main driver for the discrepancy between outstanding debt and debt payments when comparing blacks to whites.

Though federal student loans have generous repayment options, they are a more expensive type of debt than other instruments such as mortgages. Blacks are particularly less likely to owe money on a mortgage or home equity line of credit, which tend to be a comparatively less expensive way to borrow.

Yet blacks are slightly more likely to owe installment loans such as car and student loans than whites. Similar to the wealth gap, the income gap has worsened over time. According to a Economic Policy Institute report, the income gap between blacks and whites has grown since the s.

In , college-educated black women with more work experience actually earned slightly higher wages than college-educated white women with the same experience. Similarly, while the gap between college-educated black and white men in was slightly less than 10 percent, it rose to nearly 20 percent by Furthermore, blacks are more likely to be unemployed than whites.

In , in the aftermath of the Great Recession, black unemployment swelled to 16 percent, while white unemployment topped out at slightly less than 9 percent. Put differently, the black-white gaps in unemployment, labor force participation, and employment-to-population ratio cannot be explained by measurable factors such as marital status, education, age, or geographic location. Both the Economic Policy Institute EPI and the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco reports suggest that the unobserved or unexplained factors that play a role in the black-white income and employment gap include employment discrimination, weak enforcement of anti-discrimination laws, or racial differences in unobserved skill levels—as opposed to measurable factors such as educational attainment or work experience.

There are several potential reasons why blacks experience higher rates of unemployment and earn lower wages than whites. As the EPI report notes, blacks contend with labor market discrimination, which is not easily measured. Black workers are also more sensitive to the business cycle and thus are more significantly impacted by negative economic shocks. Between and , for example, as the economy neared full employment, the income and employment gaps between blacks and whites shrank.

In , Finally, it is likely that disparities in employment may actually be underestimated because they do not account for the large number of blacks who have been negatively impacted by a criminal justice system that has aggressively and persistently targeted communities of color. Policymakers should use the equity framework of targeted universalism to deliver solutions in closing the black-white racial wealth gap. The following recommendations should be viewed through this lens and aim to address historical and systematic barriers to equality.

The analysis in the earlier sections of this report reinforces how critical assets are to wealth building and to intergenerational wealth transmission. African Americans, however, face systemic barriers to acquiring, maintaining, and obtaining returns from assets such as housing, retirement and savings accounts, and business investments.

It is therefore crucial to ensure that policies aimed at reducing the black-white wealth gap focus on African Americans gaining access to the type of wealth-building instruments that can help them build and transfer wealth over time.

Housing has always been and continues to be the main vehicle for families to build wealth. This is especially true for black families. Decades of public policies that have supported segregation and concentrations of high-poverty communities across the country have made it harder for black families to build wealth.

While the government promoted homeownership and suburbanization among whites, it further entrenched inequality in inner-cities through slum clearance and the construction of public housing—originally constructed as temporary middle-class housing and later a permanent housing solution for low-income people of color.

Despite the illegalization of this process, the remnants of this practice in altered forms are still in place and active today. Because wealth is often built over generations, the legacy of these policies has made it even more difficult for future generations of black households to participate in homeownership. Today, the disparity between white and black families who own homes is stark. Seventy-three percent of white families own a home compared with just 45 percent of black families.

For example, black families are more likely to face predatory lending practices and to live in lower-income neighborhoods. According to a study conducted by Stanford University, when African Americans can purchase a home, they are more likely to be in low-income neighborhoods than their white middle- and low-income counterparts. Not only is it harder for black families to purchase a home, but it is also less likely that they will receive a similar return on their investment.

While increasing homeownership rates can help narrow the wealth gap between blacks and whites, it alone will not close it completely. A Demos study estimated that closing the gap in homeownership rates between white and black families would cause the racial wealth gap to decrease by 31 percent.

Policies aimed at improving homeownership rates should focus on improving access to homeownership; lowering the cost of homeownership; and eliminating discriminatory practices and policies that prevent black families from seeing the same returns as white families. Community Development Financial Institutions CDFIs are banks, credit unions, and other local financial institutions that support small businesses and affordable housing and provide other financial needs to distressed urban and rural communities that mainstream banks do not serve.

CDFIs are critical to helping blacks purchase homes. As the data in this report reflects, making policy changes to close the black-white wealth gap must be an intentional process. In , the Obama administration finalized a new regulation aimed at clarifying and strengthening a key provision in the Fair Housing Act that requires the U. Early this year, current HUD Secretary Ben Carson postponed the date by which jurisdictions are required to submit assessments to October Saving for a down payment on a home is a challenge for most Americans, and doing so becomes increasingly challenging for families who do not have access to affordable rental housing options.

Access to affordable rental housing not only helps families save for a down payment, but it also enables them to afford other daily essentials and to save for retirement without feeling strapped. Land installment contracts are an alternative to traditional mortgage options. Despite allowing buyers to make direct payments to the seller over a set period of time, these transactions can be problematic. Once the full purchase price has been paid, sellers are supposed to turn over the title—but that does not always occur.

This type of contract was used in the early s by black Americans who were excluded from the traditional housing market. To ensure that black borrowers are not once again defrauded by unscrupulous sellers, it is essential that the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau provide a set of guidelines for states to protect borrowers. Homeownership alone cannot be the only path to wealth-building for black families. The housing crisis triggered during the Great Recession had a significant impact on black wealth, in part because blacks were more likely to have their wealth tied up in home equity.

Slightly more than one-third of blacks have a retirement savings account, compared with nearly 70 percent of whites. The amount they have saved in those accounts is less than whites as well. Importantly, the program required state SSBCI applicants to increase access to capital for underrepresented groups, including communities of color. The initiative was only authorized through , and while the Obama administration proposed reauthorizing the program in its final budget, 76 the Trump administration has not engaged in similar efforts.

In , President Donald Trump proposed eliminating the Economic Development Administration as well as the Minority Business Development Agency, which would certainly make it more difficult for African Americans to start small businesses. Blacks are more likely to own costlier debt than whites. As data from the Survey of Consumer Finances show, blacks are also more likely to miss a payment, postpone a payment, or borrow in an emergency. The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau CFPB was established in the wake of the financial crisis with a mission to protect consumers from fraud, discrimination, and abuse in the financial marketplace.

Considering the disparate treatment blacks have received in the financial marketplace for decades, this agency is critical to protecting them from wealth-stripping products and policies. The agency has targeted discriminatory lending in the auto loan, home loan, and credit card industries.

It has also targeted payday lending companies—which are disproportionately located in predominately black communities—and defended vulnerable communities against large corporations in arbitration.

Question What factors do members of multiethnic communities at high risk for COVID infection and morbidity in Los Angeles County, California, cite as influencing vaccine decision-making and acceptability? Findings In this qualitative study, 70 participants from racial and ethnic minority communities in Los Angeles County described a complex vaccination decision-making process influenced by misinformation and politicization, deep apprehension related to historical inequity and mistreatment, access barriers related to social disadvantage, and a need for community engagement and trusted messengers.

Meaning This study suggests that COVID vaccine equity will require multifaceted policies and programming that respect community concerns and the need for informed deliberation, invest in community-based engagement, improve accessibility and transparency of information, and reduce structural barriers in vaccination.

Importance The COVID pandemic has had disproportionate effects on racial and ethnic minority communities, where preexisting clinical and social conditions amplify health and social disparities. Understanding factors that influence the multifaceted decision-making process for vaccine uptake is critical for narrowing COVID—related disparities.

Objective To examine factors that members of multiethnic communities at high risk for COVID infection and morbidity report as contributing to vaccine decision-making.

Design, Setting, and Participants This qualitative study used community-engaged methods to conduct virtual focus groups from November 16, , to January 28, , with Los Angeles County residents. Potential participants were recruited through email, video, and telephone outreach to community partner networks. Focus groups were stratified by self-identified race and ethnicity as well as age. Transcripts were analyzed using reflexive thematic analysis. Results A total of 13 focus groups were conducted with 70 participants 50 [ A total of 39 participants The resulting themes included policy implications for equitable vaccine distribution: contextual influences unclear and unreliable information, concern for inequitable access or differential treatment, references to mistrust from unethical research studies, accessibility and accommodation barriers, eligibility uncertainty, and fears of politicization or pharmaceutical industry influence ; social and group influences inadequate exposure to trusted messengers or information, altruistic motivations, medical mistrust, and desire for autonomy ; and vaccination-specific influences need for vaccine evidence by subpopulation, misconceptions on vaccine development, allocation ambiguity, vaccination safety preferences, the importance of perceiving vaccine equity, burden of vaccine scheduling, cost uncertainty, and desire for practitioner recommendation.

Conclusions and Relevance In this qualitative study, participants reported a number of factors that affected their vaccine decision-making, including concern for inequitable vaccine access. Participants endorsed policy recommendations and strategies to promote vaccine confidence.

These results suggest that support of informed deliberation and attainment of vaccine equity will require multifaceted, multilevel policy approaches that improve COVID vaccine knowledge, enhance trust, and address the complex interplay of sociocultural and structural barriers to vaccination.

Vaccine decision-making, including deliberation, describes weighing the pros and cons of vaccine efficacy and safety and is a normal, appropriate response to any new treatment or intervention. Because vaccine acceptability is strongly associated with vaccine uptake, understanding factors that influence the multifaceted vaccine decision-making process is critical to narrowing COVID—related disparities in racial and ethnic minority communities.

It is essential to consider the factors that influence COVID vaccine acceptability and how the decision-making process may differ from other vaccines. Exploration of factors in the decision-making process for COVID vaccines can inform public health and policy initiatives for equitable vaccine distribution. We used community-engaged qualitative methods to better understand factors that contribute to vaccine deliberation and acceptability in racial and ethnic minority groups at high risk for COVID infection and morbidity in LAC.

Los Angeles County is a uniquely fitting setting to address these questions—it is the most populous and 1 of the most diverse counties, has among the highest number of COVID cases and deaths, and COVID—related morbidity and mortality disproportionately affect racial and ethnic minority individuals and high-poverty communities.

Although focus group facilitators, moderators, and participants used their personal names within the virtual focus groups, all personal identifiers names and workplaces were removed from transcripts by the professional transcription company before analysis. Local community partners and a community advisory board collaborated on study design, recruitment, interpretation, and dissemination.

Between November 16, , and January 28, , we conducted 2-hour virtual focus groups with LAC residents using Zoom. We ordered and sequentially recruited from the remaining eligible participants by race and ethnicity as well as age, prioritizing essential workers and residents of low-income zip codes.

Of 81 invited to participate, 70 participated in 13 focus groups per group. A semistructured focus group guide was developed from previous qualitative vaccine acceptability studies 26 - 29 with input from community organizations. Question domains on COVID vaccines included concerns, risks, benefits, information sources, trusted entities, barriers, and recommendations for improving access Box. Participants were asked to contribute as both individuals and experts representing their families and communities.

When a COVID vaccine is available, who and where would you feel most comfortable getting the vaccine? Or, if you do get COVID, the vaccine may lower your chances of getting very sick from it reduce the severity of the disease or reduce additional health complications.

What are some ways to get the COVID vaccine to the people who need it most when it becomes available? We provided partner organizations with a study description to assist with recruitment. We also described how research outcomes might benefit their respective organizational missions, including strategic planning about COVID education.

We facilitated an icebreaker where moderators and participants described their community and feelings on the pandemic. Two focus groups were conducted in Spanish, and the other 11 were conducted in English. Several research team members attended each focus group to ensure consistent use of the focus group guide and prompts, facilitate debriefing, and record field notes. Recordings were deidentified, translated, and transcribed by a professional transcription service.

We analyzed transcripts using a critical realist, 30 reflexive, 6-phase thematic analysis approach 31 , 32 in Atlas. Two experienced coders S. The coders reached iterative consensus on the evolving codebook, code definitions, and coding approach and used memos to document thematic evolution throughout the analysis.

Triangulation was achieved by reviewing the field notes, holding iterative discussions with all moderators and facilitators, and sharing preliminary results at community partnered meetings to validate perspectives.

The VHM categorizes vaccine hesitancy determinants into contextual influences historical, sociocultural, environmental, health system or institutional, and economic or political factors , individual and group influences personal, social, and peer environment , and vaccine- or vaccination-specific issues vaccine or vaccination factors. The VHM accounts for factors other than hesitancy and vaccine refusal, such as vaccination program design, allowing for systems-level 41 perspectives in COVID vaccine decision-making.

A total of 13 focus groups were conducted with 70 participants 50 [ A total of 31 A total of 37 Demographic characteristics and survey responses are given in Table 1 and eTables 1 and 2 in the Supplement. Participants described influences in their vaccine decision-making process. We organized results using the VHM constructs, reporting themes, subthemes, and quotes in Table 2.

The specificity and comprehensiveness of the VHM worked well to frame results by accounting for interrelated socioeconomic and contextual factors occurring during the COVID pandemic. Notably, most of the resulting themes portray dimensions within potential vaccine inequity for each VHM category.

Participants described conflicting vaccine information in the news, social media, and from leaders, likely stemming from an absence of factual information, misinformation, and a scarcity of trusted messengers or sources. Consequentially, many expressed hesitation about being among the first to be vaccinated, and several expressed fears of experimentation. All groups expressed deep concerns about potential inequity in vaccine management, distribution, access, and quality. Several social determinants of health were identified as barriers to vaccine access availability and quality of translation services as well as limited technology or internet access to register , vaccination accommodations limited transportation, a lack of employment benefits, including paid time off for vaccination, or adverse effects , or vaccine eligibility uninsured or undocumented.

Many felt compelled to consider receiving the vaccine to protect themselves or others but expressed uncertainty because of insufficient information, including a lack of opportunities to discuss vaccine concerns.